Complete List of High School Sports How to Pick

Complete List of High School Sports How to Pick SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips Interested in playing a high school sport? You should be! High school sports are a great way to make friends, get involved in your school, and stay active. What sports are offered? I’ll give you the full list of high school sports available in the US, and I’ll explainwhy you should join a team and how to figure out whichsport is right for you. The Complete List of High School Sports Offered in the US These are the sports that fall under the jurisdiction of a State Athletic Association. Each state has itsown Athletic Association that runs the sports leagues and championships for the below sports. NOTE: Not all of these sports are offered in all states.For example, Skiing Snowboarding isn’t offered in Florida. Less obviously, bowling isn’t offered in California and several other states. Additionally, even if asport isoffered in your state, it may not be offered at your school.There might not have been enough interest or funding to create a team.If you hope to play a sport that’s offered in your state, but not at your school, consider starting a team. I’ll discuss this optionmore in-depth below. There may be other sports offered at your high school that are played at a â€Å"club† level (they don’t have a state championship).To find out which sports are offered at your specific high school, check out yourschool's website or email a school administrator or athletic director. Unless otherwise noted, sportshave both boys' and girls' teams or a co-ed team: Badminton Baseball (Boys) Basketball Bowling Cheerleading / Competitive Spirit Squads Cross Country Dance Team Field Hockey Flag Football (Girls) Football (Boys) Golf Gymnastics Hockey Indoor Track Field Lacrosse Skiing Snowboarding Soccer Softball (Girls) Slow Pitch Softball (Girls) Surf Swimming Diving Tennis Track Field Volleyball Water Polo Weightlifting Wrestling When Is Each Sport Played? The season (fall, winter, spring) for each sport varies by state.There are a few sports that are consistent in season from state to state - football, for example, is always played in fall. To check when each sport is played in your state, do a Google Search for your state’s high school athletic association.Simply search â€Å"[State Name] High School Sports† or â€Å"[State Name] High School Athletic Association.†That will bring you to the athletic association website for your state.There should be a tab on the website for sports.Under that tab, you should see a list of all sports and their season. Below isa screenshot fromthe Florida High School Athletic Association website: How to Choose Which Sport(s) to Join There are many ways to choose which team (or teams) to join at your school.First, you should take into consideration the season when each sport is played.Follow the steps above to find out when each sport is played in your state.Most schools don't allow you to play two sports that are in the same season (or that overlap seasons as fall and winter sports sometimes do).Talk to your high school athletic director if you’re interested in playing two sports that are in the same season or may overlap. Next, you should take into consideration which sports you’ve played before and how much you enjoyed them.Did you play a sport inmiddle school or recreationally that you enjoyed?Is that sport offered at your high school?If it is, consider joining that team!You already enjoyed playing it, so you should continue. If the sport isnot currently offered by your school but is offered by your state athletic association, consider starting a school team.Again, follow the steps outlined above to see if the sport is offered by your school athletic association. If you'd rather not start a team, you also might be allowed to join that team at another high school. For example, if you wanted to be on the bowling team, and it wasn't offered at your high school but was at a high school a couple of miles away, you'd likely be allowed to try out for that team. Talk to your athletic director to see if this is an option. If it's not, you should see if there is a localcommunity sports team for that sport. If there is, consider joining that team! If the sport you love isn't offered by your state athletic association (such as Ultimate Frisbee), consider starting a club to play it with friends after school. You won’t have a state championship, but you’ll still have the opportunity to play the sport.As a bonus, starting your own club willalso be a great leadership experience to include on your resume. Before picking a sports team to join,consider how well your experience in a sport matches up with how competitive it is at your school.Have you played the sport before? For how long? How good is that team at your high school? Did they go to the state championship? For example, at my high school, when I attended, our football and lacrosse teams were terrible. They essentially lost almost every game.However, our men’s tennis team went to the state championship.If I was picking a team to join and I’d never played any of the sports before, I’d probably try out for football or lacrosse and NOT tennis, since I’d have a better shot atmaking the football or lacrosse teams.If I had playedtennis competitively throughout middle school, I’d still tryout for the tennis team. It’s good to be aware of how competitive each team is in advance of trying out. To help figure outhow competitive each team is, you should also try to figure out how many people get picked to be on each teamand how many players are returning from the previous season.For example, football teams typically have around 40 players. Tennis teams at high schools typically have five singles players and two doubles teams (often composed of four of the five singles players).Football is probably a less competitive team to join (even a good football team) than a tennis team since there are 40 spots versus five. However, if you're only going to try out for one specific position on the football team (such as quarterback), it may be MORE competitive than tennis since there is only one starting spot for quarterback versus five starting spots for tennis players. If all five tennis players are returning from the previous season, I’d be hesitant to try out because I likely wouldn’t make the team unless I were good enough to beat one or more of the current players. While all of the above should be taken into consideration when picking a sports team, don’t let any of the above stop you.If you’ve always been dying to play on a tennis team but have never played before, still try out! You never know, you might make it! If you're interested in a sport that's very competitive at your school, check to see if you can try out for a JV team (or some schools even have freshman teams in addition to JV andvarsity). You can start there and work your way up to varsity. 4 Great Reasons to Join a Sports Team Sports teams are a great extracurricular activity.I have some of my best high school memories from playing on the tennis team at my high school. Reason 1: It’s a great way to make friends (or make more friends).Sports team often bring together a lot of different people (who may not have been friends otherwise). Joining a sports team willprovide you with a new group of friends, who you might not have met otherwise. Reason 2: It can be a great opportunity for leadership (which colleges love to see on your resume).Sports teams often elect a team captain, which gives that personthe opportunity to be a leader.Typically, team captains don’t have a lot of responsibility; usually, it’s more of an honorary title. If anything, team captains are responsible for boosting team morale. However, becoming team captain will still help boost your college applications becauseit shows schoolsthat you’re well-liked and could potentially be a leader at their school. Reason 3: It helps you stay active and relieve stress.High school is stressful, and playing sports helps relieve stress. Staying active through sportscan make you feel happier and have major health benefits. Reason 4: Depending on how good you are and what your goals are, participating in a sportcan help you get into college.If you rise to become a top player of thesport in your state, you might be recruited to play thatsport incollege, and you might also be offered a scholarship.NOTE: this is rare. This isn't the norm. Don’t count on being recruited to college for your sport.If you’re seriously interested in college athletic recruiting, learn about the process in our other guide. WhatBenefits Should You Not Expect to Get From Joining a Sport? While joining a team has many benefits (as you can see above), you shouldn’t join a team if you’re hoping it’ll be the extracurricular activity that gets you into college.Unless you’re in thetop 1% of players in your sport, it’s unlikely you’ll be recruited to play it for college. Also, admissions officers are not particularly impressed by your participation on a team.My friend, who is a former admissions officer, said it is one of the most common topics for personal statements.Admissions officers hate to read these personal statements because they’ve heard every high school sports story.They’ve read about you and your team overcoming some obstacle and winning. They’ve read about crushing defeats.In your personal statements, admissions officers want to see who you are and what makes you unique. Playing a sport will not make you unique since many students play sports. Don’t play a sport so that you seem â€Å"well-rounded† on your college application.Top schools no longer want well-rounded students.Top schools want students who are an expert in something.If you’re the number 1 ranked tennis player in your state, you’ll be impressive because you’re an expert in tennis.However, if you’re the 150th ranked tennis player in your state, the college likely won’t care.It’d be better for you not to play a sport and to be a state champion mathlete or a state science fair winner or a debate champion.These all prove expertise in a field.To read more about this expert philosophy, read our guide on how to get into Harvard and the Ivy League. If you're not that interested in playing a sport, don't do it! Playing a sport takes a lot of time. If you don't enjoy the sport, it's a huge time-suck from which you aren't getting many benefits.Consider spending your time doing anotheramazing extracurricular activitysuch as one of the activities mentioned below. What’s Next? If you’re interested in playing a sport, you should learn about what makes an amazing extracurricular activity for you college applications. Also, you should learn about how many extracurricular activities you need for college. Interested in learning about other great extracurricular opportunities? Learn more about job shadowing, community service, and volunteer abroad programs. Want to improve your SAT score by 240 points or your ACT score by 4 points?We've written a guide for each test about the top 5 strategies you must be using to have a shot at improving your score. Download it for free now:

Jobs in the Geography Field

Jobs in the Geography Field A common question asked of those studying geography is, What are you going to do with that degree? Actually, there are many potential careers for geography majors. While job titles dont often include the word geographer, studying geography teaches young people a wide range of useful skills for the marketplace, including computer, research, and analytical talents that translate well to the workforce. An internship in an area of interest will get your foot in the door and provide valuable on-the-job, real-world experience that will make your resume much more impressive. Here are some options as you begin your job search: Urban Planner/Community Developer Geography is a natural tie-in with urban or city planning. City planners work on zoning, land use, and new developments, from gas station renovations to the development of new sections of the urban geography. Youll work with property owners, developers, and other officials. If youre interested in this area, plan to take urban geography and urban planning classes. An internship with a city planning agency is essential experience for this type of work. Cartographer Those with cartography course backgrounds probably enjoy making maps. News media, book and atlas publishers, government agencies, and others are looking for cartographers to help produce maps. GIS Specialist City governments, county agencies, other governmental bodies, and private groups often need experienced GIS (geographic information system) professionals. Coursework and internships in GIS are especially important. Computer programming and engineering skills are also helpful in this arena- the more you know about computers, the better off you are. Climatologist Organizations such as the National Weather Service, news media, the Weather Channel, and other government entities occasionally need climatologists. These jobs usually go to those with meteorology degrees, but a geographer with experience and coursework in meteorology and climatology would definitely be an asset. Transportation Manager Regional transit authorities and shipping, logistics, and transportation companies look kindly on applicants with transportation geography and good computer and analytical skills in their backgrounds. Environmental Manager Environmental assessment, cleanup, and management companies do business throughout the world. A geographer brings excellent skills to project management and the development of papers such as environmental impact reports. Its a wide-open field with tremendous growth opportunities. Writer/Researcher During your college years, youve undoubtedly spent time developing your writing skills, and as a geography major, you know how to research. Consider a career as a science writer or travel writer for a magazine or newspaper. Teacher Becoming a high school or university geography instructor requires additional education beyond your undergraduate degree, but it would be rewarding to instill your love of geography in future geographers. Becoming a geography professor would allow you to research geographic topics and add to the body of geographic knowledge. Emergency Manager Emergency management is an under-explored field for geographers but fertile ground for . geography majors. They understand interactions between humans and the environment, know about hazards and earth processes, and can read maps. Add a bit of political acumen and leadership skills and you have a great emergency manager. Get started in this field by taking hazard courses in geography, geology, and sociology and interning with an emergency management agency or the Red Cross. Demographer For a population geographer who loves demographic data, what could be more rewarding than becoming a demographer working for state or federal agencies to help develop population estimates and other information? The U.S. Census Bureau actually has a position titled Geographer. Interning in a local planning agency would help you get started. Marketer Another way to become involved in demography, the study of human populations, is marketing, where you gather demographic information and get the word out to those interested in the demographics youre researching. This is one of the more glamorous arenas for a geographer. Foreign Service Officer Every country on Earth has a diplomatic corps to represent their homeland abroad. Geographers are excellent candidates for this type of career. In the United States, you begin the process of becoming a foreign service officer by taking the Foreign Service Officer Test. The work can be difficult but rewarding. You might spend years, if not your entire career, away from home, but depending on the assignment, that might be just fine. Librarian/Information Scientist Your research skills as a geographer apply particularly well to working as a librarian. If you want to help people navigate the world of information, this could be the career for you. National Park Service Ranger Are you a physical geographer who needs to be outside and wouldnt consider working in an office? A career in the National Park Service could be right up your alley. Real Estate Appraiser Real estate appraisers develop an estimate of value for a piece of property, researching market areas, assembling data, and using various analytical techniques to provide a number that reflects all market evidence. This multidisciplinary field incorporates aspects of geography, economics, finance, environmental planning, and law. Typical appraisal tools include aerial photos, topographic maps, GIS, and GPS, which also are the tools of a geographer.

Cross Cultural Communication & International Management Proposal Essay

Cross Cultural Communication & International Management Proposal - Essay Example Many of these reasons have to do with the goals of the individual. For example, if a person views monetary gain as their main purpose, they may be willing to put ethical issues aside in order to reach their goal with maximum efficiency. They may not pay attention to any code at all, leading to conflict. Existing literature focuses on communication as it is used in leadership and conflict management situations inter-culturally. â€Å"Informal conflicts may occur among coworkers, employees and supervisors, with or within between groups, and among departments within an organization. Such conflicts often occur when there are differences in values, beliefs, or opinions regarding how the work gets completed, how resources or tasks are distributed, or where priorities should be† (Montiero, 2003). Further complicating the situation, to put back the international element, what is considered ethically neutral in one country may be totally unethical in another, and vice versa. â€Å"Even if there were widespread cross-cultural agreement on the normative issues of business ethics, corporate ethics management initiatives which are appropriate in one cultural setting still could fail to mesh with the management practices and cultural characteristics of a different setting†¦ multinat ional businesses risk failure in pursuing the ostensible goals of corporate ethics initiatives† (Weaver, 2002). In other words, corporate ethics may be something that is culturally relative. In this fashion, international companies are letting their employees know that ethical behavior is expected of them, and are providing their employees with detailed information regarding ethics and international business. In terms of limitations, the proposed research realizes that it is sometimes difficult to discuss some of the more personal facets of international ethical codes, and it is still more difficult not to confuse them with morality, moral philosophy,

Should Homosexuals Be Allowed to Marry Research Paper

Should Homosexuals Be Allowed to Marry - Research Paper Example In the present world, with increased change occurring at the societal and governmental level, homosexual marriage should be allowed. Homosexuals should be granted the opportunity to marry since they are citizens too. There is no place under the constitution that states gays to be second class citizens. In fact, it is clearly stated in the constitution plus the formulated Bill of Rights that all citizens have rights including homosexuals (Craig & Rimmerman, 2009). Hence a chance should be given to gays to hold marriages with their beloved ones. Marriage indicating the union between two people should at no point be interfered by the government or the society as it does not affect them all (Lopez, 2009). Therefore, in denying homosexuals to get marriage indicates discrimination of a country’s citizens (Craig & Rimmerman, 2009). Furthermore, in the Bill of Rights or the constitution, none states disregarding homosexuals to marry. Hence, the government should leave the union of two gay people to themselves instead of denying them. Since time immemorial, gay people have constantly been discriminated by various groups in the society, for example, religious groups. They have always been treated cruelly and some persecuted in some countries. ... Furthermore, marriage can be acceptable to homosexuals when they love each other as it provides a solid reason to tie the note (Gaita, 2007). Marriage is hence a fundamental right to all citizens irrespective of one’s sexuality and should be respected at all times. In accordance to the constitution, minority groups like homosexuals are expected to be protected by the government and not to discriminate those (Craig & Rimmerman, 2009). Denying homosexuals, a right to marriage is inhuman. Homosexuals are human beings and require to be treated equally in the society. For thousands of years, homosexuals have constantly been struggling for their rights so as to be treated equally like heterosexuals (Lopez, 2009). It is sad seeing fellow human beings who are homosexuals being insulted, mistreated, imprisoned, or put to death (White, 2008). From a humanistic perspective, one would always wonder if such acts committed to homosexuals depict the human nature in people. Therefore, as the world is changing and many countries have begun to embrace the concept of homosexuality in the society, so does gay marriage allowed (Gaita, 2007). Homosexuals should get married by proving a point that love sometimes can be stronger than words. In as much as people talk and write nasty things about not accepting gay marriages, but when compared to heterosexual marriage where love precedes, then homosexuals too should be left alone (Gaita, 2007). Marriage among homosexuals should not be a discussion of straight people to as they have never felt the love that co exists between two gays. Furthermore, it is unfair to deny two homosexuals in love to marry each other. In such gay marriages, couples often strive to get love plus

Investment Behaviour of Women Essay Example for Free

Investment Behaviour of Women Essay Abstract Through an analysis of recent reforms in three policy areas in Chile—pensions, childcare services, and maternity/parental leave—the paper seeks to explore how equity-oriented reforms deal with the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform. Recent studies of â€Å"new† social policies in Latin America have underlined the persistent strength of maternalist assumptions. Feminist research on new cash transfer programs, in particular, has tended to see more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of social policy. This paper suggests that once we broaden our ï ¬ eld of vision to include other social programs and reforms, the ways in which contemporary social policy (re)deï ¬ nes women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are more complex and contradictory. Indeed, while some policies take unpaid care by women for granted, others point to an increasing awareness of inequalities   Staab that shape women’s and men’s differential access to market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. Over the last decade, there has been a veritable explosion of scholarship on Latin American social policy. In part this reï ¬â€šects the fact that—after decades of neglect—Latin American states have rediscovered social policy and scaled up their efforts to address the social fallout of liberalization. Indeed, while â€Å"Washington Consensus† reforms were mainly driven by the desire to cut costs and reduce the scope of the state, the late 1990s and 2000s have seen more coordinated state interventions to reduce poverty, inequality, and social exclusion. While not returning to post-war social protection schemes, countries in the region are experimenting with policies that break with the neoliberal notion of minimal safety nets (Barrientos et al. 2008; Molyneux 2008; Cortes 2009).  ´ What does this â€Å"return of the state† mean for women’s social rights and welfare? It has been argued that in contrast to the gender blindness of neoliberal reforms, â€Å"new† social policies have been gender conscious (Bedford 2007). However, relatively little systematic research has been carried out on the gender dynamics of this new social agenda (Macdonald and Ruckert 2009). The existing literature seems to suggest that there is far more continuity than change in the gendered underpinnings of â€Å"new† social protection programs. Feminist research on conditional cash transfers (CCTs)—a key innovation associated with Post-Washington Consensus social policy in the region—has tended to stress the persistence of maternalism (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009), a set of ideas and practices with a long and ambiguous history in the region. Yet there is more to Post-Washington Consensus social policy than CCTs. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other care-related policies alongside cash transfer schemes— including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of early childhood education and care (ECEC) services, maternity/ parental leave reforms, and in recent pension reforms, the introduction of child-rearing credits. While some of these programs take the unpaid care by women for granted , others point to an increasing awareness of gender inequalities that shape women’s and men’s differential access to labor market income and public social beneï ¬ ts. That these initiatives have received little scholarly attention leaves the impression that Latin American social policy is stuck on a maternalist track, when national and regional trends are likely to be more varied and complex. Against this broader backdrop, the main aim of the paper  is to provide a better understanding of the complex and contradictory  ways in which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are constructed and (re)deï ¬ ned in the context of recent equity-oriented reforms. I argue for a two-tiered approach. First, I propose to move beyond single policy analysis towards a more systemic view that takes into account and compares developments across sectors. Second, I aim to assess these reforms according to the ways in which they have dealt with three key legacies: marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. I apply this approach to the recent reforms in Chilean social policy, a particularly intriguing case. First, Chile is often cited as the Latin American country where neoliberal principles have been most comprehensively applied. Its 1980s social sector reforms–particularly in pensions and health–have long been promoted by international ï ¬ nancial institutions as a model for other countries to emulate (Taylor 2003; Orenstein 2005). Recent innovations in Chile’s social policy regime thus merit close attention. Second, Chile combines market liberalism with strong social conservatism, particularly with regards to gender roles. We would expect these two legacies to create mounting tensions and contradictions –for example over whether mothers should be at home (maternalism) or in the market (liberalism)–that social and employment policies have to navigate. I have chosen to focus on the recent reforms in pension, ECEC, and parental leave policies, issues which have been high up the public agenda in Chile and elsewhere. This is reï ¬â€šective of both broader global discourses spearheaded by international organizations such as the World Bank and the OECD, as well as a regional trend to revising social protection frameworks with an emphasis on increasing the coverage of hitherto excluded groups.1 The selection thus consciously combines two more traditional policy areas associated with social protection/consumption (pensions and maternity leave), with an emerging area geared towards social investment (ECEC). While the former were directly undermined by structural adjustment and deliberately restructured following the advice of international ï ¬ nancial institutions (Orenstein 2005; Brooks 2009), the latter have acquired prominence over the past decades as a means of reducing poverty by facilitating women’s labor force participation and as a cost-efï ¬ cient tool to promote human capital development by investing in early childhood development. These ideas form part of an emerging global paradigm (Jenson and Saint-Martin 2003; Jenson 2010; Mahon 2010) and seem to have ï ¬ ltered down to the national level with several Latin American countries experimenting with childcare-related reforms.2 The combinat ion of protection and promotion implicit in this selection is also highly relevant from a gender perspective. While childcare services and parental leaves can facilitate women’s engagement in paid employment, pension systems can be designed in ways that translate labor market inequalities into unequal entitlements in old age. They thus represent two sides of the same problem, namely the extent to which the gender division of labor affects women’s and men’s differential access to income and social security. The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. The next section brieï ¬â€šy illustrates the rationale for choosing marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias as key dimensions for assessing continuity and change. It takes a historical and  regional perspective to show how they became embedded in Latin American systems of social provision. The second half of the paper then provides a detailed analysis of recent reforms in Chilean pension, childcare, and maternity leave policies. The ï ¬ nal section draws out some comparative conclusions about the extent to which the recent reforms have dealt with the key legacies of marketization, maternalism, and male-breadwinner bias. Maternalism, Male-Breadwinner Bias, and Market Reform  Trajectories of welfare state formation and change in Latin America are in many ways different from those of advanced economies in Europe or North America that have formed the basis for theory building. The most important difference is probably the dynamism and radicalism with which development strategies have been recast over the last century (Sheahan 2002, 4). Thus, many countries moved from state-led import-substituting industrialization (ISI) in the post-war period to the rather radical application of neoliberal prescriptions following the recessions and debt crises of the late 1970s and early 1980s. These transitions left distinct legacies in systems of social provision. From the often incomplete formation of welfare institutions in the post-war era, governments in the region turned to retrenchment, deregulation, and privatization. Redistributive and universalist aspirations—however exclusionary or stratifying these had been in practice (Filgueira and Filgueira 2002)—were buried with the shift to market-led development and the region moved closer towards liberal-informal welfare regimes (Barrientos 2004). As the state was scaled back, reforms empowered business interests which became directly involved in education, health, and pension systems.3 Gender roles and norms as well as pervasive gender inequalities across states, markets, and households mediate women’s and men’s exposure to social risks as well as their speciï ¬ c need for social protection and services. Women face particular challenges due to  motherhood and other caring responsibilities that societies largely assign to them (Lewis 1992; O’Connor 1993; Orloff 1993). Yet, these risks and responsibilities have rarely been taken into account in the design of social policies. Thus, Bismarck-style social insurance systems, such as those founded across Latin American countries in the post-war period, had an inherent male-breadwinner bias.4 Women, in turn, tended to access social beneï ¬ ts as wives of a male breadwinner or as mothers whose maternal functions had to be safeguarded and protected (Gimenez 2005). Motherhood became the  ´ very basis on which women staked their claims to citizenship rights and states deployed their efforts to mobilize female constituencies. At the heart of this â€Å"civic maternalism† was the belief that women– and in particular their biological and social function as mothers– had to be recognized, valued, and protected (Molyneux 2000).5 This was, in Nancy Folbre’s words, the â€Å"patriarchal trunk† onto which market reform was grafted, but which â€Å"continues to inï ¬â€šuence the shape of the tree† (Interviewed by Razavi 2011). A large body of literature has documented how struc tural adjustment increased the overall burden on women. Thus, where privatization and trade liberalization triggered a rise in male unemployment, women were pushed into (largely informal) paid employment to make up for lost wages. Meanwhile, retrenchment and commercialization of social services shifted more responsibilities for social provision to the domestic sphere, where the prevailing gender division of labor meant that women spent more time on unpaid reproductive work (BenerÄ ±a and Feldman 1992; Sparr 1994; and Elson 1995). In  ´ social protection systems, the move from risk sharing to individualization exacerbated already existing gender inequalities. By tightening the relationship between contributory patterns and pension beneï ¬ ts, market reforms effectively deepened male-breadwinner bias (Dion 2008). In health, private insurance companies were given plenty of rope for deï ¬ ning premiums based on gender-speciï ¬ c â€Å"risks†, such as pregnancy (Gideon 2006). As a result, the costs of biological and social repr oduction were further individualized and passed on to women. Paradoxically, maternalism remained a strong theme in the neoliberal era, at least at the level of public discourse (Molyneux 2000). In short, market reforms layered new gender inequalities onto the already existing legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias. As a result, conservative elements exist alongside (neo)liberal elements in the contemporary welfare architecture of many Latin American countries. How are these legacies challenged or compounded by the current wave of policy innovations and reform? If the state is indeed assuming greater responsibility for social  provision, does this trend provide a more favorable context for redressing gender inequalities? More particularly, does it reï ¬â€šect a greater recognition and redistribution of the responsibilities for and costs of care and social reproduction? The existing literature suggests that there is far more continuity than change in gendered assumptions even as new social programs are being rolled out: Recent studies have argued, for example, that new social programs have paid scant, if any, attention to the underlying structures of gender inequality in labor markets and households (Razavi 2007); that economic and social policies continue to place the burden of social reproduction on families (read: women); that the particular design of social programs tends to reinforce traditional gender roles without providing long-term strategies for women’s economic security through job training or childcare provision (Molyneux 2007; Tabbush 2009); and that new social policies increase social control and surveillance of mothers’ child-rearing behavior and performance (Luccisano and Wall 2009). Feminist research on CCTs, in particular, has tended to stress the persistence of maternalist orientations (e.g., Molyneux 2007; Bradshaw 2008; Tabbush 2009). This literature has been central for understanding the gendered nature of â€Å"new† social policies in the region and much remains to be learned about the actual diversity of  ´ these programs (MartÄ ±nez Franzoni and Voorend 2009) and their impact on women from different ethnic groups (Hernandez 2011;  ´ Rivera 2011). Analytically, however, the focus on a single scheme is insufï ¬ cient to assess the processes through which women’s productive and reproductive roles, social rights, and obligations are currently being (re)deï ¬ ned. Several Latin American countries are experimenting with other social policies alongside the much-cited CCTs, including the introduction of full-day schooling, the expansion of ECEC services, maternity/parental leave reforms, and the introduction of child-rearing credits in recent pension reforms. In each of these areas, equity-oriented reformers struggle with the legacies of maternalism and male-breadwinner bias, on the one hand, and the (ideological and de-facto) importance of markets, on the other hand. I argue that these struggles shape reform processes and outcomes in ways that are more complex and contradictory than the existing literature on CCTs suggests. The following analysis of Chilean social policy sets out to unravel some of these complexities by looking at the recent reforms in pensions, childcare, and leave regulations. Implicit in this approach is an understanding of the state as a concept that helps to contextualize present political conï ¬â€šicts and policy processes (Hay and Lister 2006). In other words, previously enacted policies, institutional choices, and strategic interactions constitute a â€Å"strategically selective terrain† (Jessop 1990, 203) that structures present political conï ¬â€šict, rendering it more conducive to some  demands than others. While not determining their behavior, the ensemble of institutions and policy frameworks that comprise the state offer opportunities to and impose constraints on, the political agency of those wishing to effect policy change. The three legacies outlined above form part of the institutional landscape of the state. As such, they are shown to play a signiï ¬ cant role in current attempts of reform and policy innovation. While these legacies constitute the main focus of this paper, they are by no means the only factor that shape change and continuity in Chilean social policy. In fact, sector-speciï ¬ c actors, partisan politics, and particular political contingencies come into play to differing degrees. Furthermore, the continuity and deepening of an economic model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary, and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment, forms the backdrop against which more expansive social policies have emerged as a response to persistent inequality. However, the full meaning of recent reforms cannot be understood without taking into account the gender-speciï ¬ c legacies in each sector.  (En)gendering Change and Continuity: Recent reforms in Chile Chile is a particularly intriguing case for analyzing continuity and change in social policy. On the one hand, it is often portrayed as the country where neoliberal principles have most profoundly transformed economic, social, and political institutions (Kurtz 1999; Filgueira and Filgueira 2002). While radical market reforms were carried out under the aegis of a military dictatorship (1973–1989), many of the model’s features were maintained with the return to democracy. Consequently, the country’s policy framework is often represented as particularly resistant to equity-oriented change. On the other hand, Chile combines market liberalism with social conservatism—two features that conventional welfare regime analysis tends to locate in different clusters (the conservative and the liberal variant, respectively). Female labor force participation is among the lowest in the region (ECLAC 2008), the country’s welfare regime has been described as inherently â€Å"gender biased† (Pribble 2006, 86), and conservative social norms  regarding women’s role in the family loom large (Contreras and Plaza 2010).6 Despite this rather unfavorable context, recent reforms suggest that these frameworks are not carved in stone. Since the early 2000 s efforts to expand social protection, to improve access to and quality  of social services and to strengthen social rights have featured prominently on the country’s social agenda, leading some to argue that Chile may be approaching a â€Å"point of inï ¬â€šection† (Illanes and Riesco 2007, 406). The following sections shed light on the complex and contradictory ways in which the triple legacy of maternalism, male-breadwinner bias, and market reform is addressed by recent reforms in pensions (adopted in 2008), childcare services (signiï ¬ cantly expanded since 2006), and maternity leave (reformed in 2011). Before delving more deeply into the developments in each sector, it is necessary to brieï ¬â€šy describe the broader economic and political context since the country’s return to democracy in 1990. Context of Recent Reforms and Policy Innovations The return to democracy did not entail a drastic transformation of the institutional foundations of economic and social policy inherited from the military regime (Moulian 2002; Taylor 2003; Borzutzky 2010). In fact, in macroeconomic terms the center-left party coalition Concertacion that governed the country from 1990  ´ to 2010 validated and deepened the neoliberal model based on trade openness, macroeconomic stability, monetary and ï ¬ scal discipline and ï ¬â€šexible employment. To offset some of its worst effects, social spending increased steadily which, together with economic growth and employment creation, dramatically reduced absolute poverty from 38.6 percent in 1990 to 13.7 percent in 2006 (ECLAC 2008), although it did relatively little to improve income distribution or lessen social inequalities and fragmentation in education, health, and social protection (Solimano 2009). Explanations for this continuity are manifold, including the formidable constraints placed on  the autonomy of the ï ¬ rst Concertacion governments by authoritarian enclaves in the political  ´ system that granted right-wing political opposition important veto powers; the resistance of business interests whose power increased as a result of market reforms; the weakness of other civil society actors, particularly labor; a political culture eager to avoid the kind of political confrontation that preceded the military coup; and the adoption of market-oriented ideas by key decision makers within the centerleft coalition itself (e.g. Kurtz 2003; Castiglioni 2005; Borzutzky and Weeks 2010; Ewig and Kay 2011). The result of this complex and contradictory process has been described as a Chilean â€Å"Third Way† characterized by an â€Å"unwavering commitment to trade liberalization and privatization despite considerable public opposition† and a â€Å"predisposition to a policy process that discourages participation by civil society and rank-and-ï ¬ le party members, while affording business access to the  highest reaches of government† (Sandbrook et al. 2007, 164–65). This set-up makes some policy areas more amenable to equity-enhancing reforms and innovations than others. As the economic model rests upon a ï ¬â€šexible and restrictive labor regime (Frank 2004), social policy is largely conï ¬ ned to enhancing workers’ ability to compete on the market and to mitigating some of the worst risks that unregulated and precarious employment entails. This goes a long way to explain why the two socialist-led governments of Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006) and Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) spearheaded health reform, pension reform and childcare service expansion in order to enhance equity, while shying away from reforms related to the country’s labor market where many of the fundamental social inequalities originate. While the  Bachelet administration’s employment policy and labor relations have been described as disappointing, (Lopez 2009;  ´ Sehnbruch 2009), it did turn social protection into a key priority. The concept ual pillars of her strategy included a life-course approach to social protection and the attempt to introduce a rights-based perspective (Hardy 2011). The latter materialized in a gradual lifting of budgetary restrictions on social assistance7 and the progressive relaxation of eligibility requirements for accessing a range of beneï ¬ ts. The life-course approach, in turn, is captured in repeatedly stated commitments to create equal opportunities and protect citizens â€Å"from the cradle to old age†. Tellingly, its translation into policy focused on the two extremes of the life course, namely the reform of the pension system and Chile Crece Contigo, an integrated early childhood protection system that included the massive expansion of childcare services. The working-age population remained caught in the middle with persistently low employment quality, including a high level of job instability and the limited reach of employment-based rights and beneï ¬ ts, a scenario that disproportionately affects women workers (Sehnbruch 2009). 8 Thus, the attempt to square greater equity and social inclusion with an open economy inï ¬â€šuenced the scope and locus of policy change during the Bachelet administration. While acquiring greater visibility, social protection remained subordinate to macroeconomic goals, including those related to employment, understood as not interfering with job creation through greater regulation and rights for workers. In this context, it is particularly surprising that a highly controversial employment-related reform was introduced under the new right-wing government of Sebastian Pinera (2010) which, in ËÅ"  ´ 2011, expanded (women) workers’ rights through a reform of maternity leave regulations.

Horrifying Effects of a Senseless War :: essays papers

Horrifying Effects of a Senseless War Dirty Work is an irresistible debut novel from one of the greatest novelist in American literature today. Throughout each chapter, Larry Brown creatively changes the narrator between the two main characters, which works magnificently. He is bold and decisive in his telling of two disabled individuals being tormented by the physical and emotional hell they withstand in the everlasting Vietnam. Braiden Chainey has no arms or legs due to a machine gun (73). Walter James, thanks to a rocket grenade, no longer has his face (66). As they lay side by side in their separate beds in a V.A. hospital 22 years later, their wounds still ache. These two Mississippians, one white and one black, tell each other their horrendous stories. One by one, they take turns describing the details of their lives and the outcome wanted for their future. Many old themes of literature are invoked in this astonishing tale of hatred, emotion, vengeance, and even passion. Their vivid memories portray the true reality of how that horrifying war gave the veterans the unforgettable long-term effects. Dirty Work is an extraordinary novel, which continuously shows the harsh realities of a powerful war. The two main characters in this novel are compelling. Every feature and emotion mentioned about each individual are so realistic that they are unforgettable. From their family background to their scars of war, each and every aspect is told with such detail and brilliance that the story almost comes to life. Brown utilizes southern slang to the greatest. When Braiden and Walter speak to each other, they perfectly mimic the mistakes and shortenings of everyday southern speech. Most of the dialect indicates brilliantly the way that people whom the author might have encountered at times in his life may have spoken. In one passage, Walter speaks with a nurse, showing their strong southern culture coming out through speech: â€Å"Where’d you learn that song?† â€Å"Known that all my life, So you one of them Missippi boys, huh?† â€Å"Nothing but.† (114) Dirty Work is strongly in the tradition of a classic war book with some southern heritage.

Matters of Life and Death Essay

This case surrounds the controversy brought about by the Arizona state legislature defunding life-saving organ transplant operations. In 1987, the Arizona state legislature voted to eliminate funding for most organ transplants for the indigent through the Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System (AHCCCS). At the same time of this decision, the legislature voted to extend health coverage to pregnant women and children in a â€Å"notch group.† The public controversy began when Dianna Brown died after being denied coverage for a liver transplant that would have saved her life. After her death, there was wide spread coverage of the issue that brought the defunding of certain organ transplants into the national spotlight. The decision to move funds for the poor to mothers and children rather than to life-saving transplant services put the legislature under scrutiny. This case presents that scrutiny and the legislature’s reasoning behind their decision. III. Required Methods In order to complete this analysis, I will have to deal with issues dealing with cost/benefit thinking in a context of fairness dealing with medical procedures. I will need to look at whether or not moving funding from transplants to mothers and children did something financially astute for the state of Arizona or if this is a case of mismanagement by the government. I will also have to deal with the issues of limited public resources, growing costs of medical technology, and diminished control of medical services. IV. Analysis Question 1: Was the Arizona legislature right in deciding not to fund certain kinds of organ transplants for indigents under the state’s indigent health care program? I believe that the Arizona legislature was not right in their decision to not fund certain kinds of organ transplants. In this case, there are several issues that arise including the concepts of distributive justice, cost-benefit analyses, and the role of government in society. The fact that the legislature looked at the increased number of organ transplants and the growing costs associated with them and compared them to another development in the state’s health care system does not seem fair. By defunding the organ transplantation services, they took away the right to choose from individuals in life threatening situations. With costs being a driving factor behind this decision, it was questioned whether the state should be spending so much on high risk, high cost procedures. In the case, there was an excerpt that explained the money-making aspect of the health care system. â€Å"If it was a pure concern about the medical needs out there, we’d have far more burn units than we have transplant units. The reality is they make money on those units.† I do not believe this is how the health care system sh ould be run. Whether it is political or judicial pressure, there is too much political influence in the health industry. There is the argument of transplantation services being more readily available to those with money and political connections, but I feel that policy should be able to set specific guidelines by which all of this can be overridden. I understand the fact that if you are to make exceptions in certain cases you are starting down a slippery slope and that initially, the decision to either have transplant services or to do away with them completely was somewhat justified. Further, the decision to fund only the most cost-effective services was also justified. Everyone had a fair shot at services if they needed them. When services began being compared to each other is where I have a problem. There is no way to justify comparing deliveries to transplants. In one analysis, Shaller compared the costs on society from a bad child to a transplant. In the end he came up with the fact that the cost of 8 heart transplants would cover 700 deliveries. He said â€Å"in public program, that has the widest range of responsibilities, and limited resources to handle those responsibilities, I think it’s unacceptable to use those limited resources in a way that really doesn’t further the public good.† I can agree with this statement but still do not feel that the personal health choices that can save an individual’s life should be left in the hand of a capitalistic government. In rebuttal to the governmental policies and financial analysis, Dr. Copeland argued that even if the AHCCCS were to deny funding to transplants, the health care system would still end up incurring costs associated with hospital costs till death as well as social security benefits to the families of patients who die without receiving a transplant. Also, he mentioned that Medicare would soon approve his transplant center as one of the 10 in the country to be covered. This came under much scrutiny and in the end a compromise was reached to look at each by a case-to-case basis. After the drama surrounding Diana Brown’s death, it was the opinion of the Arizona legislature that it would make the decision that would most benefit the residents of Arizona. In the end, â€Å"the public generally is not willing to, say, double the taxes in this state to insurance that everyone got the maximum possible health care.† While the decision may have had justifications by the state legislature, completely defunding organ transplantation services takes away the rights of patients and makes it so that health care is a privilege. I do not believe this is how health care should be. With so many changes being discussed simultaneously, this issue seems to have slipped through the cracks and caused unnecessary deaths to patients who had their right to life-prolonging health coverage denied in order to fund a â€Å"notch group† that had household incomes higher than the AHCCCS maximum but were below the official federal poverty line. This does not seem ‘fair’. In the end this case asks many ethical questions dealing with fairness and equality as well as whether access to health care is a right or a privilege. Question 2: On what principles do you position in the answer to question 1? (As an example, do you consider health care a right, and if so, why?) I believe that health care is indeed a right. Especially in a country like the United States where health providers and insurance companies are big business and make huge profits each year while millions may suffer from their lack of coverage or inability to pay. In the US, healthcare providers charge premiums on insurance. Whether or not they chose to cover a condition is largely up to them and in the past few years, insurance companies have tripled their profits. â€Å"According to the World Health Organization and the Physicians for a National Health Program, the United States spends twice as much per capita on healthcare compared to other countries such as Canada, Britain & Germany, who have universal healthcare.† According to statistics, in other countries with universal healthcare, there is less bankruptcy and better economies. I believe that there is too much political and outside influence in health care and that the industry is more of a money machine than anything. With the economy in a slump and an exceedingly large population not being able to afford health insurance, I believe that those individuals have a constitutional right to receive care that will prolong life. Laws regulating health care serve to benefit the population, not punish it. With so many gaps in the system nowadays, the ACA being upheld shows that the government believes that everyone should have equal access to healthcare. Providing health care to all benefits society by providing those with an opportunity to normally operate in society and benefit society through work, social, or economic aspects. Question 3: What roles do economic and financial analyses play in your position on the state’s responsibilities? While the state has a job to provide care to its citizens, it is also obligated to maintain financial stability within the state and contribute to its infrastructure. A cost-benefit analyses of moving funding from organ transplantation services to the â€Å"notch group† of pregnant women and children shows that while looking at services offered, the state will be able to control their overall costs. In situations like this where the healthcare system is often viewed as a money machine, it is almost impossible to overlook the exceedingly high costs of transplants. In one analysis, Shaller compared the costs on society from a bad child to a transplant. In the end he came up with the fact that the cost of 8 heart transplants would cover 700 deliveries. He said â€Å"in public program, that has the widest range of responsibilities, and limited resources to handle those responsibilities, I think it’s unacceptable to use those limited resources in a way that really doesnâ₠¬â„¢t further the public good.† While this analysis has many problems with it, the financial and economic implications are exactly what a business would want. By cutting, the high-risk, high-cost procedures, the state would be able to begin making money from the health care system. While I can understand the business aspect of health care and understand that economic and financial analyses play a large role in allocating resources and money towards services, I still feel strongly that healthcare is a right, not a privilege. The state has a responsibility to maintain financial stability. In this case, stability was enhanced by cutting services to transplants and focusing on individuals that would be able to give back to society over a longer period of time. Question 4: How does the analysis of this case inform your position in the current debate about health care reform? This case has made me think of the question can medical services ever be rationed fairly. The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) which was recently passes should accomplish a lot of good for the greater portion of the population. It will not only reduce the number of uninsured but also protect those at risk of losing coverage. Additionally, the ACA aims to reduce health care spending and reduce costs for patients. This plan will not only extend coverage to those that may not be able to afford coverage, but will also aim to try and cut costs for the health care industry. This is a fusion of two of the debated points in this case. In the case, we looked at cutting funding from one service in order to provide services for another set of the population. The ACA aims to try and provide services and coverage for all. Overall, there are many questions that this c ase made me think of regarding the Affordable Care Act. I was not fully aware of the health industry being a big money business and how much of a part politics played in it. Additionally, the case opened my eyes to the fact that no matter what is done, not everyone is going to be satisfied or comply with the new policies. There are always specific cases that will cause questions to be asked, but if exceptions are made, then there will have to be exceptions in every similar case. The current debate about health reform addressed these questions and now that the ACA will remain in effect, it is still to be seen the impact that this makes on not only the economy, but also how it affects the rights of Americans to utilize healthcare. V. Recommendations After reading through this case and thinking about the financial issues presented in the case, I understand the financial and economic issues that have to be addressed while also considering providing the best care for the greatest number of people. In order to decide cutting services, this case addressed governmental policy that may cause unfavorable health decisions to pass in order to remain financially stable. In the end, I believe that health care is a right, not a privilege and the decision to life or death should never be put in the hands of a third party or up to money. The right to decisions about life and death should not come down to how much money you have, but should be a human right that is extended to those in need. VI. References HHS Gov. â€Å"Through the Affordable Care Act, Americans with Medicare will save $5,000 through 2022.† United States Department of Health and Human Services. N.p., n.d. Web. 11 Nov. 2012. â€Å"The Health Care Law & You | HealthCare.gov.† Home | HealthCare.gov. N.p., n.d. Web. 11 Nov. 2012. < http://www.healthcare.gov/law/index.html> Houseman, Michael . â€Å"The Health Care Law & You | HealthCare.gov.† Home | HealthCare.gov. N.p., n.d. Web. 11 Nov. 2012. VII. Lessons Learned I enjoyed doing this case report as it dealt with many issues outside of finance as well as important financial issues. In order to complete this analysis, I had to deal with issues dealing with cost/benefit thinking in a context of fairness dealing with medical procedures. I looked at whether or not moving funding from transplants to mothers and children did something financially astute for the state of Arizona or if this is a case of mismanagement by the government. I also dealt with the issues of limited public resources, growing costs of medical technology, and diminished control of medical services. In the end it was a decision that would have to either be based on financial considerations, ethical considerations, or a mix of both. A lot of the issues in this case have also been discussed in my public health ethics class this semester, so this case allowed me to utilize knowledge from other classes along with new financial concepts in order to do my analysis. Whether it is fairness or equality or even cost-effectiveness, there are problems that arise with each approach when used alone. From a financial standpoint, using cost effectiveness analysis is very important in determining social policy matters even with its downfall that it cannot suggest how priorities are set. I would have liked to deal with some numbers associated with cost-benefit analysis just to see how they were done but I was able to understand the basic principles behind the theory through my analysis on this case.

Are Our Lives Governed by Fate or Free Will Essay

Our lives are governed by free will. In the books Chinese Cinderella and Twisted the main characters use their free will to make choices that have consequences on their lives. Chinese Cinderella, by Adeline Yen Mah Chinese Cinderella is a story of a Chinese girl growing up Shanghai and Hong Kong in the 1940’s. Adeline was made to feel that her birth was the reason her mother died. Her siblings blamed her and her father and stepmother had no interest in her. She spent most her childhood at boarding schools. Although Adeline was sent to boarding school she still used her own free will to chose to study hard and excel in school. Adeline chose to continue to do well in school with the hope of gaining her parent’s attention. Despite all of the bad things that happened to Adeline she continued to strive to be the best in school. She chose to spend her time reading and doing homework. She received many awards. She used her free will to enter an international playwriting contest and she won. The result was that her name was published in the newspaper and this got her father’s attention. Adeline used this as an opportunity to ask to go to college. Her father agreed. Although her father selected her career as a doctor she was so happy to have the opportunity. Twisted, by Laurie Halse Anderson Tyler used his free will to spray paint on the school property. There were consequences for his actions. He had to do community service to pay for the damage, he got a probation officer and got his license taken away. Tyler spent alot of time being the victim. His father blamed him for most of the bad things that happened. He let things happen to him until one day he realized he could take control of his life. Tyler used his free will when he dropped out of the AP classes, started attending all of his classes, returned the stolen keys to the custodian and apologized for stealing them, stood up to Chip, spoke with his probation officer about the consequences of attending the party when he was on probation and stood up to father when he blamed Tyler for getting fired. The result of Tyler’s action to take control of these aspects of his life is it provides him with self-esteem. This new confidence gets rid of the bad thoughts he had (like killing himself). Tyler chose to spend his time playing a video game Tophet. The point of the game was to make his demon (Gormley) powerful enough to make it thru 66 levels of torment. In the end he succeeds and is given a choice to become the new lord of darkness or be reincarnated. He realizes the importance of choosing wisely.

Ordinal Number Definition and Examples

Ordinal Number Definition and Examples An ordinal number is a number that indicates position or order in relation to other numbers: first, second, third, and so on. Contrast these types of numbers with cardinal numbers  (in math theyre also called natural numbers and integers), those numbers that represent countable quantity.   Ordinal numbers  do not represent quantity, notes Mark Andrew Lim, but rather indicate rank and position, such as the fifth car, the twenty†fourth bar, the second highest marks, and so on(The Handbook of Technical Analysis, 2012). Learning Ordinals If you are teaching ordinals to English language learners, introduce the concept by reviewing cardinal numbers. Then continue with the ordinals to contrast the concepts. Also, introduce the term last as a position vocabulary word. Examples of Ordinals All ordinal numbers carry a suffix: -nd, -rd, -st, or -th.  Ordinal numbers can be written as words (second, third) or as numerals followed by abbreviations  (2nd, 3rd). first (1st)second (2nd)third (3rd)fourth (4th)fifth (5th)sixth (6th)seventh (7th)eighth (8th)ninth (9th)tenth (10th)eleventh (11th)twelfth (12th)twentieth (20th)twenty-first (21st)twenty-second (22nd)twenty-third (23rd)twenty-fourth (24th)thirtieth (30th)one hundredth (100th)one thousandth (1,000th)one millionth (1,000,000th)one billionth (1,000,000,000th) Using Ordinal Numbers and Cardinal Numbers Together When a cardinal number and an ordinal number modify the same noun, the ordinal number always precedes the cardinal number: The first two operations were the most difficult to watch. The second three innings were quite dull. In the first example, the ordinal number first precedes the cardinal number two. Both first and two are determiners. In the second example, the ordinal number second precedes the cardinal number three. Both second and three are determiners. Try reading the sentences with the ordinal and cardinal numbers reversed. They simply sound wrong.(Michael Strumpf and Auriel Douglas, The Grammar Bible. Owl Books, 2004) More Tips on Using Ordinal Numbers Spell out ordinal numbers- first, second, third, fourth- except when quoting from another source. In the interests of saving space, they may also be expressed in numerals in notes and references. ... Use words for  ordinal numbers in names, and for numerical street names ... : the Third Reich the Fourth Estate a fifth columnist Sixth Avenue a Seventh-Day Adventist ... Use figures for ages expressed in cardinal numbers, and words for ages expressed as ordinal numbers or decades: a girl of 15 a 33-year-old man between her teens and twenties in his 33rd year (R. M. Ritter, New Harts Rules: The Handbook of Style for Writers and Editors. Oxford University Press, 2005) Do not use the ordinal (th, st, rd, nd) form of numbers when writing the complete date: January 15 is the date for the examination. However, you may use the ordinal suffixes if you use only the day: The 15th is the date for the examination. ... Write out ordinal numbers when they contain just one word: third prize, tenth in line, sixtieth anniversary, fifteenth birthday. Use numerals for the others: the 52nd state, the 21st Amendment.(Val Dumond, Grammar for Grownups. HarperCollins, 1993)

Gasosaurus - Facts and Figures

Gasosaurus - Facts and Figures Name: Gasosaurus (Greek for gas lizard); pronounced GAS-oh-SORE-us Habitat: Woodlands of China Historical Period: Late Jurassic (160 million years ago) Size and Weight: Up to 13 feet long and 500 pounds Diet: Meat Distinguishing Characteristics: Moderate size; large head; stiff tail; bipedal posture About Gasosaurus The only remains of the obscure but amusingly named dinosaur Gasosaurus were discovered in 1985 by the employees of a Chinese gas-mining company. From the limited number of fossil fragments, adding up to a single partial skeleton, most paleontologists believe that Gasosaurus resembled a vastly scaled-down Allosaurus, its fellow (and more famous) theropod of the late Jurassic period (about 160 million years ago), though its arms were proportionately a bit longer compared to its overall size. However, because so little is known about Gasosaurus, its possible that this dinosaur may have been incorrectly classifiedand is in fact better assigned as a species of Megalosaurus or Kaijiangosaurus. (And no, we have no reason to believe that Gasosaurus suffered from gas pains, or farted or burped any more than other dinosaurs!) By the way, in 2014 Gasosaurus was the subject of an amusing internet hoax, in which it was claimed that a 200-million-year-old (sic) Gasosaurus egg carelessly stored next to a museum boiler somehow managed to incubate and hatch. As is usually the case with such things, the story made it all the way around the world via social media until people realized that it had originally been published by the World News Daily Report, a serious-sounding website that actually traffics in made-up news, a la The Onion. (In case youre wondering, its impossible to hatch a dinosaur egg, because the fossilization process literally turns whatever is inside it to stone!)

Passion for arts Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Passion for arts - Essay Example My passion for arts has conveyed me opportunities to have fun, enhance my strengths, and help other people. I fully enjoy my task of being the art/costume director of one of our school plays. I consider this as one of my greatest achievements in life because the play highlights my dexterity in designing costumes which suit the role of the different characters. I also gain unique insights with my responsibility as an assistant art teacher in primary school. This experience exposes me to the tedious yet pleasurable task of teaching and discovering the creativity of young minds. These roles enable me to gain happiness from art and interaction with other people. I believe that arts bridge us to our unique culture and express our real identity. Even though I have gained substantial knowledge in European art during my high school education, I desire to gain knowledge within my origin. I take pride in being a Qatari as well as my Islamic heritage and I believe that pursuing the education in Islamic art will be most pleasurable considering that I am already exposed and familiar with various art pieces. For me, as Islamic art represents the artistry of a unique culture, it exudes its own sophistication which is lacking in Western Art. Gaining knowledge in Islamic art will also provide me with the head start of my plan on building a career in the Islamic Museum of Qatar. Recognizing my nation’s need of preserving our artworks, I would like to devote my passion to the art by building and enhancing the museum. ... I also gain unique insights with my responsibility as an assistant art teacher in primary school. This experience exposes me to the tedious yet pleasurable task of teaching and discovering the creativity of young minds. These roles enable me to gain happiness from art and interaction with other people. I believe that arts bridge us to our unique culture and express our real identity. Even though I have gained substantial knowledge in European art during my high school education, I desire to gain knowledge within my origin. I take pride in being a Qatari as well as my Islamic heritage and I believe that pursuing education in Islamic art will be most pleasurable considering that I am already exposed and familiar with various art pieces. For me, as Islamic art represents the artistry of a unique culture, it exudes its own sophistication which is lacking in Western Art. Gaining knowledge in Islamic art will also provide me with the head start of my plan in building a career in the Islamic Museum of Qatar. Recognizing my nation's need of preserving our artworks, I would like to devote my passion in art by building and enhancing the museum. In this role, I will be enabling other people to explore their culture, gain a deeper knowledge in their artistic origin, and provide them a better view of their identity as Asians and Qatari. I will also be uplifting my people's perception and concept of Islamic art. My passion for art, my various interests, my pride for my heritage, and my future career goal all justifies my desire to pursue a diploma in Asian arts. Going beyond the stereotype of the docile, meek, and quiet Qatari woman, I want to attain

What is wilsonianism and to what extent did it feature and influence Essay

What is wilsonianism and to what extent did it feature and influence in US foreign policy throughout history as well as in the present time - Essay Example Prior to his ascendancy to office, he had served as the head of the Princeton University between 1902 and 1910. From there, he went ahead to be the Governor of New Jersey until the year 1913. As he sought for the presidency, he battled against the Progressive Party’s front man, Theodore Roosevelt, and the Republican leader, William Howard. He attained office through fronting the Democratic Party’s successful onslaught. On attaining office, he influenced the majority Democratic Congress to initiate significant progressive restructuring. He managed to push through more and radical bills than any other president in the country, and the popularity of his bills is second only to the New Deal (Alan, 2006:39). His ideals included the centralized deal Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, the proceeds levy bill, the central store Act, and the centralized Farm mortgage Act. He also persuaded the current congress to assent to the Adamson Act, which was famous for changing the period of workdays for railroad gangs to 8-hour days. In addition, he later staged a frenzied support scheme to publicize the women’s rights. In 1916, he successfully regained office, and subsequently guided the country’s participation in the World War 1. During this time, he concentrated his focus on the war, and the following peace treaty transactions that went on in Paris. By managing to keep the country from actively participating in the war, he became popular with the local citizens. However, in1917, the German forces forced him to reconsider, when they started attacking the country unprovoked. Thus, in April 1917, he directed congress to declare the country’s official entry into the war. As the war went on raging, Wilson redirected his efforts towards exercising diplomacy, and embarked on analyzing America’s financial status. As he did this, he left the country’s army administration to focus on the war with no imposed restrictions. He went about